SPECIAL PROJECTS

Joint Project 1995/96

BUILDING A BASE FOR COMMON SCHOLARSHIP AND UNDERSTANDING:
PALESTINE - JORDAN - ISRAEL
IN THE NEW ERA OF THE MIDDLE EAST

The Palestinian Team:

Dr. Mahdi Abdul Hadi, Head of PASSIA, Jerusalem
Dr. Salim Tamari, Director, Institute for Jerusalem Studies, Jerusalem
Dr. Bernard Sabella, Professor of Sociology, Bethlehem University

The Jordanian Team:

Dr. Mustafa Hamarneh, Director, Center for Strategic Studies, University of Jordan, Amman
Khawlah Ali Sbetah, Center for Strategic Studies, University of Jordan, Amman
Dr. Sabri Rbeihat, Sociologist, University of Philadelphia, Jordan

The Israeli Team:

Dr. Asher Susser, Senior Fellow, Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies
Dr. Gad Barzilai, Senior Lecturer, Political Science, Tel Aviv University
Dr. Yossi Shein, Chair, Political Science, Tel Aviv University

Others/Guests:

Dr. Rex Brynen, Associate Professor, McGill University/ICAS, Montreal
Ms. Ailie Saunders, RUSI, London
HE David Berger, Canadian Ambassador, Canadian Embassy, Tel Aviv
David Viveash, Canadian Embassy, Tel Aviv
Dr. Joel Peters, University of Reading, Visiting Fellow, Truman Institute
Haj Abed Abu Diab, Jerusalem Electricity Co.
Sheikh Jamil Hamami, Director, Islamic Cultural and Scientific Society, Jerusalem
Dr. Yossi Alpher, Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, Tel Aviv
Mr. Faisal Husseini, Orient House, Jerusalem

Summary:

Opening Remarks
by Mr. Faisal Husseini

We all face the challenges and problems of the ongoing peace process. For Jordan, Palestine and Israel it is important to reach a real understanding as the base for a genuine agreement on which to build for the future and to contain the peace process. This has to involve the issue of Jerusalem as Jerusalem is the key to peace - or war. Israel's policies towards Jerusalem are a threat to both the Palestinians and the peace process.

Jerusalem was built to be the Palestinian people's capital. All important hospitals and the main institutions and service providers are here. The current isolation of Jerusalem is threefold - the siege on the city, the prevention of its development (through restrictive permit systems and tax regulations etc.) and the detachment from the international community - and does not serve peace.

The same goes for the evacuation of Palestinian Jerusalemites through economic obstacles and discriminatory ID card policies. Israel has always tried to create and maintain a demographic majority in Jerusalem by building Jewish-only settlements on confiscated Palestinian land and preventing Palestinians from using their land for their own purposes.

Government and Civil Society in Jordan
by Dr. Sabri Rbeihat

Jordanian civil society is mainly related to urban areas/cities and the degree of democracy and effectiveness of the government. To examine civil society the following political theories may be drawn on: Theory of Democratic Systems; Elite Theory; Pluralist Theory; and Hyper Theory.

The Jordanian government is based on a tribal society and the concept of a political, military ruled state that began to evolve in 1920. Democratization has begun but there have been no real efforts. The society has not experienced democracy; the principle of equality and of information and the level of participation are the parameters which should be used to measure the degree of democracy.

"Civil society" embraces all organizations that fill the vacuum between the family and the state. The first political party ("Independent Party") emerged in 1922 but lasted only four years. From 1921 to 1948, ten political parties emerged, but with no democratic substance, program or agenda. After 1948, the political spectrum widened with more parties and movements, such as the Muslim Brotherhood, Communists, Ba'ath, Tahrir and the National Socialist Party. With the 1970 events and the banishment of the PLO from Jordan, the Jordanian identity began to develop. This situation lasted until 1988, when the King made his first moves towards democracy. After the ban on political parties was lifted, new political organizations emerged.

Professional associations have existed since 1944 when Jordanian law provided a legal framework. The government felt threatened by them as many were highly politicized and involved graduates returning from abroad with new ideas and approaches. Therefore, they were denied a real mandate. The Jordanian society suffers from this until today, especially as everyone is obliged to be part of a professional association, none of which are real civil society organizations as they lack the voluntary nature.

The legitimacy of Jordan's political regime is still determined by religion - the ruling family are descendants of the Prophet Mohammed - and tribalism, which always helped contain and preserve the government, while hindering progress and modernity within the society. The frequent changes in the cabinet do not allow for stability and for the mandates to be considered serious.

Discussion: role and function of civil society; voluntary vs. mandatory membership; space between government and society; Islamization; political parties and elites; tribalism in Jordan; state-building; social transformation.

Government and Civil Society in Israel
by Dr. Yossi Shein

Interrelations between civil society, political society and the state have undergone a critical evolution in Israel. Originally, there was a symbiotic coexistence between civil society and political society with both being subordinated to state power. This attitude has declined; an example is that today, military officials are less appreciated in Israeli society than stock market brokers.

Civil society vs. State - ideally, the state is the umbrella under which civil society acts and interacts. The state should be there to create a body of solidarity.

Civil society vs. political society - civil society is the arena of "polities" where self-organized groups function relatively independent from the state, trying to promote the interests of a certain constituency; political society is the sphere where polity unfolds and develops. Indicators are elections, the existence of parties, legislators and laws etc. Both spheres are usually interrelated, but civil society can emerge and develop without parallel developments in the political society (e.g., the case of China).

Israel's early years were determined by the post-war experience, the notion of survival and new hegemonies, including civil and political societies. The main forces within society were almost identical with the state officials in power. Political society was rather marginalized, at least while Mapai was the sole party with a say. Despite the waves of immigrants and the rise of the Orthodox as a player in the power game, ethnic divisions were suppressed by the prevailing patronage system. After 1967, political society and the state were no longer symbiotic but split, mainly due to issues related to the occupation and to economic liberalization efforts.

Today, Israel is culturally divided into the secular segment of the society and the Orthodox community. The latter is powerful through its demographic development and has emerged as a major challenge to the state. The Orthodox have succeeded in creating their own realm, with self-run schools and special regulations. Fundamentalism still exists in Israel: when the state fails to deliver, a new, often extreme force is given room to emerge and gain power (e.g., Shas in Israel, Hamas in Gaza,).

Discussion: religious parties in Israel vs. Islamic movement in Palestine; Haredi (Ultra-Orthodox); political parties as mediators for civil society; secularity vs. religiosity; Diaspora, linkage to Israel and identities; role of women.