The Maghreb States: Foreign Policy Priorities
Dr. Claire Spencer

The Maghreb

When discussing the Maghreb, the areas of interest are Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria and to some extent Libya, Mauritania and the Western Sahara.

Identity:
Residents of the Maghreb share a common identity, reinforced by their common colonial history - the presence of France. Most North Africans see themselves as Arab, members of the Arab world and the Arab League, and only linguistically different.

Population:
The population level of the Maghreb is quite high, with Morocco having the bulk of the population (26 million). The region also has a high demographic growth rate, although measures have been taken to reduce this. The problem is not the size of the population, but the high level of unemployment. The greater part of the population is under 25, with 50% being under the age of 15. This presents a serious economic problem for the region and its development. There are many North Africans in France and Europe, which provides the domestic economy with significant remittances.

Political position:
The political stance of the Maghreb states has been increasingly dominated by economic priorities. The key to their future is development, and success lies in their relationship with Europe, with which most of their trade is carried out. For example, 66% of Morocco’s trade is with Europe. Trade relations run North-South, rather than East-West, and they are highly dependent upon Europe. Moreover, trade relations are extremely limited because of inadequate transportation and communications systems.

One major political problem is the fact that the border between Algeria and Morocco is closed, and Arabs from one state wishing to visit the other are required to obtain visas.
Algeria

Algeria is seen as a province of France, although the two enjoy a love/hate relationship. France attempted to integrate Algeria, but its policies led to the Algerian War of Liberation, from 1954-1962. The war, won through FLN-led guerrilla battles, has since become a national myth. The French tried to make Algerians French citizens, but without giving them the same rights. The colonialization also created an identity crisis in Algeria, the French presence being culturally disruptive. Language - specifically, the issue of Arabic versus French - became the center of the cultural debate. From 1965-79, President Boumedian attempted to Arabize the educational system, but was met with resistance because many of the employees were French educated. Moreover, the use of Berber in the language has made it difficult to establish a clear national language.

Algeria is said to face the problem of "illiteracy in two languages." Socially, Algeria is a very egalitarian, but fictionalized, society. There was no legal transition of authority, and thus real respect for authority does not exist. The main cities are more controllable than the rural areas. Since its independence, the country has been run primarily by the military, which was behind the cancellation of the 1990 elections. There have been attempts at increased democratization, but it appears that the government is trying to create a limited and controlled political arena.

In the case of the Islamic movement, it is hard to ascertain the degree of popular support. This is because firstly, there is no uniform Islamic movement, and secondly, there have been no elections. With the recent events, Algeria has become like the Wild West; there has been a breakdown in civil order. The government and authorities have been unable to safeguard the people, and are incapable of controlling local disputes. Bandits have infiltrated the Islamic groups, massacring large numbers of people, and local militias have grown in response.

Morocco

Linguistically, Morocco faces an enormous problem. There are many dialects in the language, and they also vary regionally, with a Spanish influence in the north. The problem is intensified by the limited development and links between different areas of the country, which have made it harder to unify or create a uniform language.

Socially, Morocco is very structured, with a clear hierarchy, and everyone "knows his place." The King is at the top of the pyramid, and political power evolves downwards. Moreover, there is an increasing division between the rural and urban areas. Politically, Morocco has only recently become liberalized and open. In the 60s and 70s there were many political prisoners: unlike today, there were no democratic institutions. In recent years, the National Assembly has been granted more powers and a more important role in political life. Morocco has seen a process of decentralization, i.e., power evolving from the center outwards. The political parties and the press have been allowed much more freedom. More funds have been allocated to local governments and invested in the various regions. There are many regional differences in Morocco, which the government has been trying to keep at the local level.

Morocco also enjoys close relations with France, and serves as a target for a large amount of French investment.

Tunisia

Tunis is unable to maintain complete control of the country, due to the large range of mountains dividing its regions. Politically, it is less open than the other Maghreb countries and drifting more towards a Singapore-style political system.


Regional Relations

The Arab Maghreb Union (AMU), which excludes Mauritania and Libya, represents an attempt at regional integration. The regional connection focuses mainly on relations between Morocco and Algeria, which have constantly been strained.

Various issues of regional common interest exist, such as the desire to contain the rise of Islamism. The countries are superficially united in the belief that the trend must be stopped and they have agreed to cooperate on this issue.

The country most affected by Islamism is Algeria, which is currently facing a severe crisis. The FIS won the elections in 1990-91 and were going to assume leadership, but they were then banned. They have since waged a war against the government. There are various Islamic groups, such as the GIA and MIA, and nobody really knows what is happening in Algeria. The approach of the government to the Islamists went from one of cooperation and democracy to truncation of movement. Tunisia also faced a problem in the 80s but the government nipped the movement in its bud and arrested everyone involved. President Ben Ali installed a policy of containment and control.

Regional Divergence

Economics:
A great deal of economic competition exists between the Maghreb nations. For economic reasons, Europe is interested in seeing more regional cooperation, and the UMA has begun to advocate this goal.

Economic agreements have been under discussion, such as those instigated during the course of the Barcelona Conference. Negotiated accords have already resulted in the opening of Europe’s markets, the lowering of customs barriers in the Maghreb and an overall increase in cash flow.

The Maghreb is looking to attract foreign direct investment (FDI), but at the same time the countries fear the effect of this on their domestic industries and the possible dependency on European markets. Moreover, trade with Europe may lead to more inter-Maghrebi competition rather than integration.

Western Sahara:
The conflict with the Western Sahara has been ongoing since 1975, and involves Morocco, Mauritania and Algeria. Algeria has never accepted the Moroccan take-over and demands a referendum on self-determination. Talks have been proceeding, but there is a continuous debate over the issue of defining the electorate. The fact that UN supervision has been withdrawn, due to lack of funds, also poses a major problem. The crisis has been a festering sore between Algeria and Morocco, and has made regional integration difficult.

Foreign policy:
Several of the countries have their main ties with Europe, although they do have relations with other states. Tunisia has put most of its eggs in the European basket, and is strengthening its links with Italy and Spain: it is said that Tunisia will become more European than Europe.

Morocco enjoys good relations with Europe and especially France, but it also has a key relationship with the US, which backs its military in the Sahara. Some believe that the North Africans trust Europe more than they trust each other.





Discussion:

Participant: What is special about this part of the world?

Dr. Spencer: The presence - a long presence - of France in Tunisia, Morocco, and Algeria. In comparison there is no such history of a European presence in Egypt. In North Africa, they also have a vision of their presence in Europe: there are three million Algerians in France. The importance of the presence is not cultural, but economic - the labor remittances of about US$2 million a year.

Participant: During the elections in Algeria, the Islamic movement was elected. What is the role of Europe in this issue? Why didn’t it act when Algeria canceled the elections as it did in Niger?

Dr. Spencer: The Europeans often say one thing and do the other. They promoted democratic elections, but they feared the Islamic movement and its undemocratic practices. They are also ambivalent about intervening in the affairs of another state. For example, France said it supported Algeria, but did not condemn the events because they were emergency measures.

Europe would rather emphasize stability over human rights - why promote democracy when it will lead to anarchy? Europe also fears an Islamization of the Muslims in Europe and it has still not decided how to react to Islamism.

Participant: What is the role of Morocco in terms of the Arab-Israeli peace process?

Dr. Spencer: Morocco has always, historically, had relations with Israel because of its Jewish population. In 1950, there was a lot of Jewish immigration to Israel, encouraged by both sides. Moroccan Jews in Israel are still entitled to Moroccan citizenship. Rafi Edri has acted as a go-between, and King Hassan has many Jewish advisors and financial backers. It was Morocco that started the MENA Summit process. Recently, David Levi was supposed to go to Morocco to prove that King Hassan does not have a problem with Israel, but rather with the Netanyahu government. Morocco is interested in strong economic bilateral relations with Israel, and this is the bottom line.

In general, the people of the Maghreb have good access to the Arab World. They are very informed and even expressed solidarity with the Iraqi people during the Gulf War. Public opinion was against the Gulf states and Saudi Arabia. The people of the region were insulted by the actions of the Gulf states, and due to their strong sense of dignity, they viewed the war as a kind of revenge on Kuwait.

Participant: What would Morocco do if Spain took control of Babal Tareq (Gibraltar)?

Dr. Spencer: Their response would be diplomatic- they would not attack Spain.

Question: How do the people feel?

Answer: There isn’t really any popular demand for keeping the territory.

Question: What is King Hassan’s role in region? Has he been able to play the role of a good Muslim and please Europe at the same time?

Answer: King Hassan is very clever. He is aware of the tension within the European camp - the ambivalence of the states, each with its own policy, but at the same time not saying anything contrary to the US position. While Chiraq has his own style, Rifkind came to the Middle East, and specifically to the UAE, for a joint US arms deal. The Germans have relations with Iran.