Foreign Policy Imperatives of
Saudi Arabia
Dr. Rosemary Hollis
Imperatives and Constraints
Geopolitical constraints:
Geopolitical constraints have played a major role in dictating
Saudi Arabias future. Most of Saudi Arabia is desert, and
what agriculture exists is rapidly using up future reserves of
ground water.
The Saudi society is tribal. Moreover, there is a great contrast
between the various geographic areas. Hijaz, for example, is the
cosmopolitan part of the kingdom as it is visited throughout the
year by pilgrims from all over the world. In contrast, the Najd
area is more isolated. The rich minority and the Shiite
tend to concentrate in the eastern provinces.
Saudi Arabia is huge in relation to its population of seven
million (12 million including foreigners). The Bedouins represent
about a quarter to one third of the population. The manual labor
is performed mainly by foreign workers work from Asia, and
domestic chores are carried out almost entirely by Filipino
servants. Any form of skilled work is usually carried out by
workers from the rest of the Arab World and the West.
Although Saudi Arabia has a dwindling supply of water, there is a
massive natural abundance of oil, which has led to the
establishment of a huge petrochemical industry and the
accompanying influx of foreign employees.
Alliances:
Sheikh Al-Saud is in alignment with Yemen, Oman, the United Arab
Emirates and Brunei, which has more oil than Saudi Arabia. The
country also has alliances with the British.
There exist two basic sources of leadership legitimacy, namely,
religion and oil.
Oil is a gift: Saudi Arabia has long borders with
socialist Yemen, which has a population of approximately 16
million. The Saudis, due to their relatively low number, are
constantly afraid that they might be obliged to share their
wealth.
The point of legitimacy of religion: The Saudis
puritanical religion (wahhabi) has come under constant
criticism by the Shiite and Iran since the Iranian
revolution: the Iranians claim that theirs is the purer form of
Islam. Iran, which is run according to the national interests of
the revolution - which has an implicit ideological commitment -
objects to the presence of a monarchy in Saudi Arabia. The
latter, meanwhile, considers Iran ideologically hostile as proven
during the l987 Hajj riots.
Regional threats:
From the Saudi perspective, Iraq is not to be trusted. The
long borders with Yemen are carefully guarded, and revolutionary
Iran is still regarded with caution. After the end of the Gulf
War in 1992, the US helped the Saudis prepare for a list of
threats which include the following:
The Saudis are worried that Socialist South Yemen could one day
control access to the Red Sea, to which the Saudis need access in
order to secure freedom of passage to the Gulf.
Sudan is also in the midst of an Islamic revolution, and has good
relations with Iran.
Saudi Arabia has always been suspicious of the Hashemites who
might pose an indirect threat, since historically Sharif Hussein
was ousted from the Hijaz.
Saudis feel vulnerable and perceive their surroundings as
hostile. Saudi Arabia was agitated by the unity of North and
South Yemen which came about with the end of the Cold War. Now
Saudi Arabia has relations with South Yemen, which has declared
an end to hostility. From the Saudi point of view, two Yemens are
better than one.
Economic imperatives:
Saudis feel a sense of panic from being surrounded. Also the
sense of fear that everyone wants what they have has made it
difficult to diversify the Saudi economy. Foreigners are only
allowed up to 49% of the joint venture companies, and they are
not allowed to own land. Saudis will not accept portfolio
investments and bankers are not able to get holders to own state
economic assets.
The restrictions on opening the Saudi economy has caused the
Saudis to borrow money to balance budget deficits. The Saudis
originally took loans from Saudi banks, due to a fear of external
interference. Eventually they were forced to seek external loans
because of the royal familys reluctance to clearly define
between the family fortune and that of the state.
Oil as a constraint:
Saudi Arabias abundance of oil is also a constraint. While
Saudis can influence oil prices they can not dictate them. When
they decrease production in order to boost prices, consumer
loyalty is affected and buyers seek alternate sources.
Consequently, Saudi Arabia is pushed towards a balance of
production in order to maintain a stable price.
The Saudis do not have the capacity to expand their production,
only to increase it. Thus, they have successfully acquired the
majority share in OPEC in order to monopolize the market and
curtail Iraqi and Iranian production. Whereas in the 1980s Saudi
Arabia produced three million barrels/day, in 1990 it produced
six million to substitute for Iraq. However, Saudi Arabias
influential role in the oil market is not a monopoly, and Iraq is
returning to the market after signing a huge deal with the
French.
Critical Variables for Saudi Arabia (Internal)
One of the classic questions asked in the West is, How will
the country look in the year 2005? The Western media
wistfully predicts the demise of the Saudi royal family, but does
not predict that the Saudis will be stopped from becoming
wealthier.
The Saudis must change because they no longer have as much to
give as they did before. They will not be able to meet the
expectations of their youth, and the near future is likely to
witness a quick turnover of kings.
Factors that will dictate what Saudi Arabia will be like in 2005
include the following:
Oil market and oil prices: fluctuation with instability;
The question of succession: predictions of turmoil with
regard to succession but not of the destruction of the royal
family;
Regional alliances: possibility of hostile alliances
formed by Saudis neighbors;
US-Saudi alliance: where will it be?;
Islamic threat: will the internal and external threat
continue?;
System of distribution of wealth: poor get poorer while
rich get richer;
Political consultation: establishment of a multiple party
system.
Decision Making
Decision making poses problems in matters of foreign policy. The
King cannot afford to lose the religious scholars and needs to be
able to rely on religious ruling (fatwa). He has to
consider his constituency, the tribal system, and the structure
of the family. He also has to consider maintaining the oil
interests, the defense relations with the US, and the
implications of radicalism. The King cannot afford to make
mistakes.
Key Foreign Policy Decisions and Relationships
The key decisions that Saudi Arabia must face concern the
support of the Islamic resistance in Afghanistan, and whether the
US forces are really needed or whether there are alternatives to
the Western defense forces.
As with any of the Arab states, the kingdom of Saudi Arabia faces
certain foreign policy imperatives, dictated by its basic
characteristics - geography, demography, resources and so on -
which together constitute both assets and constraints. These,
together with the political system (which determines the
decision-making process), constitute the parameters within which
foreign policy is framed.
Basic Characteristics
Geography:
Saudi Arabia is a huge desert kingdom with two seaboards
giving access to crucial sea lanes, but not an open sea. The
country is estimated to possess 26% of the worlds oil
resources, yet there is a serious shortage of water. Saudi Arabia
is depending far too much on its renewable water resources - in
other words, it is using up its resources faster than they are
being replenished.
Demography:
The population is small in comparison to the geographic size.
According to official Saudi estimates the total population is
around 18 million, including about five million expatriates.
According to independent estimates, the total figure is probably
nearer to 12 million. (The Saudi authorities have not revealed
how they arrived at their higher figure.) In any case, the Saudi
population is smaller than that of Iraq (at least 18 million),
dwarfed by that of Iran (over 60 million) and probably less than
that of Yemen.
Different traditions and history distinguish the different
regional and provinces, within which the communities have had
different levels of exposure to the outside world, historically
speaking. The vast majority of the population is Sunni Muslim of
the Wahhabi sect, but a Shiite minority is concentrated in
the eastern province.
Economy:
A $12 billion windfall in unanticipated oil revenues (owing
to higher than expected world prices) has given the Saudis their
first current account surplus in 13 years. In 1996 the government
budgeted for revenues of $30 billion but actually gleaned $42
billion.
The oil boom of the 70s and early 80s turned to a steep fall in
prices and profits in the mid 80s. This continued to drain
foreign reserves until 1990-91 when the kingdom faced the sudden
and considerable costs of the second Gulf War. The war forced the
kingdom to incur the first sovereign debt in its modern history.
Three years ago, under this mounting pressure, the Saudis
introduced some economic restructuring measures, but commentators
suspect that these do not go far enough to produce change that is
significant enough to reduce the dependency on oil reserves.
The principal concern is how to generate enough jobs to meet the
needs of the burgeoning number of young people entering the job
market. Along with a high population growth rate have come
increased demands for health, education and other forms of
welfare traditionally provided by the state.
Political system and decision-making:
The Al-Saud monarchy, ruling in close alignment with the
Al-Wahhab family and the ulema, represents the source of
authority dating back to the early 19th century in Najd. The
modern state or kingdom was established by conquest and was
officially founded in 1932. The ulema exercise
considerable influence and the King cannot act without their
blessing. In addition, there is a hierarchical system or set of
mechanisms for consultation within the Al-Saud monarchy and for
access to senior princes, governors of the provinces, ministers
and so on. The legitimacy of the monarchy rests on its defense of
(Wahhabi) Islam, the protection of the Holy Places, patronage and
welfare provision, and its Bedouin heritage and culture.
Armed forces:
Saudi Arabia simply does not have the manpower base for a
large army. The Saudi National Guard, tasked with defending the
kingdoms borders from within, numbers around 60,000 men and
the highest estimate for the army is 100,000, though it is
probably no larger than the National Guard. Saudi has justified
large acquisitions of expensive and sophisticated armaments by
arguing that it needs to enhance the defensive capability of its
relatively small forces.
The Saudis now have some 900 main battle tanks and 470 artillery
pieces. The air force, numbering 18,000 men, has 295 combat
aircraft. Unlike Iran, which has a similar number of aircraft,
the kingdom possesses some of the latest designs available in the
West. The US contribution to Saudi air defense makes it far more
advanced than its rivals.
Against this backdrop of the basic characteristics of Saudi
Arabia, the key imperatives and constraints facing the
kingdom may be defined as follows:
sources of legitimacy (Islam, holy places, provision of
welfare/oil wealth, conquest, Bedouins, Bedouin heritage and
culture);
Iraq;
Iran;
Saudi fear of being surrounded (Yemen, Sudan, Jordan, Iraq,
Iran);
fear of foreign attempts to tap Saudi oil wealth;
exposure to the vicissitudes of the international oil market
Key foreign policy relationships and decisions:
Saudi Arabias key foreign policy relationships and
decisions, as discussed by Korany and Dessouki, have revolved
around the following:
oil (production, pricing, relations with consumers, etc.);
Islam (e.g., Afghanistan, rivalry with Iran);
defense (especially arms purchases);
relations with US in the interests of defense/oil;
fighting/confronting radicalism (from Nasser to Baathism).
Critical variables determining the future of Saudi
Arabia:
The critical variables determining the future of Saudi Arabia
are as follows:
oil prices, the Saudi income/profit margin, and resulting
pressure to implement changes;
who succeeds (by 2005)?;
hostile regional alliances and Saudi perceptions of these;
the Saudi-US alliance;
Islamic radicalism;
economic policy (restructuring, privatization, Saudization);
levels/forms of political participation.