Conclusion.
As has often
been stressed in this study Hamas was not born in a vacuum, it evolved
as a by-product of events, circumstances and thoughts. As a movement it
has played a pivotal role in creating those events, circumstances and
thoughts.
Dynamics behind
the launching of the movement and the consequences its ideology and performance
have created became intertwined, in the process influencing domestic,
regional and international political life.
Were it not for
the fact that Hamas leaders are perspicacious strategists it would have
been difficult, if not impossible, to organize a movement with such convincing
appeal to a wide spectrum in Palestinian society in particular and Arab/Islamic
society in general.
The complexity
of the conditions which triggered the formation of the movement obviously
led Hamas founders to create an equally complex strategy based on pragmatism
and realism. Pragmatism appears in their painstaking efforts to provide
rationality for their view of the world, religious ideology is effectively
used to construct a political program and social and economic conditions
are employed to generate public support. Realism on the other hand is
unmistakably clear in Hamas official pronouncements - in the covenant
as well as in its various leaflets. Conflict is essential to the realization
of the goals of the movement and power is the tool to bring about the
desired change - military power, economic power and the power of articulation.
Because of the
complexity of the conditions in the midst of which Hamas found itself
evolving and because of the complexity of the strategy it had designed,
the movement seems to be adaptable to circumstances. It is quite easy
to dismiss its leaders and activists as crazed zealots. The fact of the
matter is, however, that the leaders and the activists of the movement
are to a great extent a group of articulate, learned and highly organized
individuals with a clear vision of life.
Their appeal
cannot be underestimated. When confronted with questions they present
both sides of any argument and express understanding for the other side.
Furthermore, they take pains to express rationality and fairness and don't
give a word of condemnation without a counterbalancing word of praise.
They have been and remain far reaching in their effort to publicize their
teaching and do not miss any opportunity that can be used in some way
to put them in a good or rational light.
However moderate
and reasonable they project themselves to be, their declared objective
of establishing an Islamic state in Palestine cannot be dismissed simply
as rhetoric.
If their influence
is to be viewed with sincerity and clarity then a countervailing and more
effective strategy than theirs is needed. Unless the current political
process bears some fruit their presence will be more widely felt.
Paralysis and
frustration negatively impact Palestinian society. For Hamas a worsening
state of affairs arms it with more power to advance its cause.
This author cannot
help but recall what one interviewee from the Gaza Strip, who also requested
to remain anonymous, said in December 1993:
[142]
Hamas, is in
some ways, like any other movement. Its support can decline and increase,
its role can be momentous or unnoticeable. In some other ways however,
Hamas is different from all other movements. Not all who join it are necessarily
strictly observant Muslims or fully believe in all of its goals. Many
people, particularly those who represent the young generation, decide
to join the movement because they feel that it is the only forum which
now offers them some hope which they badly need in order to keep their
psyche intact. More and more average individuals express support for Hamas
with many of them previously identified with what is commonly known as
the Nationalist bloc.
He went on to say:
I have always
personally identified myself with Fateh but many like me in Gaza find
it more appealing to join the ranks of a movement which somewhat speaks
and acts on their behalf.
Another pertinent quote was given
by a Palestinian woman:
When it comes
to the killing of children, the blowing up of homes, the transfer of our
nation, we are all Hamas.
[143]
Finally, the
question of Jerusalem, as exemplified by Bitawi previously, is one over
which Hamas will always have a very strong argument. It is their stand
on this matter which is very likely to gain support from those who are
ostensibly `moderate' in their other political views.
[142]
Interview conducted with a young man from the Gaza Strip in December
1993. The interviewee was a university graduate who was working in a
field far removed from his specialization.
[143]
Usher. Graham, "The Human cost of "flushing out"
Hamas." Middle East International. No. 445 - 5 March 1993.
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