More Photos 04 August 2004, PASSIA, Jerusalem Speaker: Fadi Kiblawi; Law School, George Washington University, Washington DC Participant(s): Jamal El Aref, Deputy Middle East Representative , ANERA; Tanory Ateek, Student; Sari Ateek, Student; Daniel Gonzalez, Computer Programmer; Sonia Gonzalez, Economist; Ines Mazarrasa, Economist; Albert Ucelay, Consulate General, Spain; Safa Abu Asab, Program Manager, Diakonia; Ron Dvdoi, Researcher; Karl O’Connor, Student; Bayan Hamid, Student; Fadia Daibs, Water Law, Policy Consultant; Sarah Hamid, Student; Anna Sanders, Teacher; Joshua Storck, Software Engineer.

Fifty-six years after the birth of Israel, the climax of Zionism, a burgeoning critical discourse has emerged. In part due to the expansion of Jewish hegemony into the West Bank and Gaza Strip, both earmarked for a future Palestinian state, the idea of separation is rapidly eclipsing. Ironically, this turn of events is, in the long term, favorable for the Palestinians. The post-Oslo economic indicators and geopolitical realities unequivocally predict an unviable, unstable state inside those consensus boundaries, so any acts that undermine this norm, whether intentional or not, serve the Palestinians’ interests.

However, it is important to note that the two-state solution within the accepted, yet constantly redefined (and shrinking), parameters is not dead. On the contrary, despite the circumstances, the idea is still vibrant with its lifeline tied to the Palestinian national platform. So many commentators on both sides of the debate accept as a frame of reference either the absoluteness of a Palestinian West Bank/Gaza Strip state or the absoluteness of a “one-state solution.” Actually, there is no definite final solution, just numerous trajectories that could lead to certain solutions.

The Palestinian national movement must take advantage of the current crossroad, and pave its own road toward a sustainable solution. The existential realities in the Occupied Territories prevent the formation of a state for the time being, therefore providing an opportunity to adopt a new platform. The essential motive for this transition must be sustainability, which is a primary reason for discarding the current status quo. Territorial, economic, and political integrity are the formative qualities of a sustainable solution.

It is hard to swallow that the two-state solution is not an absolute when it has been the cornerstone of the international consensus and the Palestinian national movement for decades now. At the same time, it is hard to understand why a two-state solution is even on the Palestinian agenda at this point given its obvious shortcomings and Israel’s entrenchment in the Territories. To comprehend this, one must acknowledge that the Palestinians’ greatest obstacle in overhauling their national platform is actually themselves. The paradox represents the cooption of the national movement by the state of Israel. The PA is fundamentally a colonial apparatus of Israel, absolving the Jewish state of a large non-Jewish demography on minimal lands while at the same time allowing them to control through a proxy.

With the international community and the PA both deadlocked on the two-state solution, escaping it becomes a tremendous task. In order to do so, three obstacles must be overcome: Replacing the PA, transforming the international consensus, and redistributing the balance of power.

Territorial and economic viability can only be secured with political stability (and vice-versa). At the core of any workable democracy is a Constitution. The Constitution is necessary to limit the powers of the legal regime, while preserving the rights of the citizens. In a reconciliation of embittered enemies, a strong Constitution must be negotiated then ratified which protects all parties from an invasive government.

One possible Constitution that would allow for the full right of return and national identities for both Jews and Palestinians is a bi-national federation. In such a construct, the two layers of government would consist of a weak Community government and a strong Federal government. The two Community governments would be the Palestinian Authority and the Jewish Agency. They are responsible for culture, language, education, and health of their respective constituencies. The Federal government would consist of a unicameral legislature, half of it elected by the Jewish Agency’s constituents and the other half elected by the Palestinian Authority’s. It would also include an executive and judicial branch.

I am not suggesting that this be the solution. I only offer this as one example of a Constitutional construction that would establish a viable solution.

PALESTINIAN-ISRAELI IMPASSE -
EXPLORING SOLUTIONS TO THE PALESTINE-ISRAEL CONFLICT

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